Friday, March 21, 2014

No More Lies by Dick Gregory, Please

The Mad Hatter

    Dick Gregory and I have a shared history of sorts. We were both born in St. Louis (about 20 years apart) on the poor side of town. We both graduated from Charles Sumner High School, the oldest black secondary school west of the Mississippi and one with a distinguished history. While there, we both became activists (desegregation in his case, a push for Black Studies in mine).

  He was raised on Taylor Avenue and I lived on Pendleton. We are both authors of at least one bestseller (one for me, many for him), and we both live in the DC area now.
  Lastly, we are both male African Americans, although Gregory seems to have a masochistic fetish to be called “nigger,” as two autobiographies attest.

  Gregory is one of the few alumni of Sumner to achieve national and international renown. Former congressman William Clay is an alumnus. Others include composer and musician Oliver Nelson, opera singers Grace Bumbry and Robert “Bobby” McFerrin Sr., pop stars Billy Davis and Ron Townson of the Fifth Dimension, and rock ‘n’ roll legend Chuck Berry.

   The best-known graduate by far is Annie Mae Bullock, whose stage name is Tina Turner. She graduated in 1958.

  A longer list appears here on Wikipedia:

and here:

    Gregory, who was featured on TV One’s “Unsung Heroes” last Wednesday, is easily among the Top Five most famous graduates. The documentary noted that he jeopardized his career as a comedian (opening the way for Billy Cosby, who accepted many of Gregory’s no-shows) to fight on the front lines of the desegregation movement. He knew Medgar Evers, President John F. Kennedy, Malcolm X, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Robert F. Kennedy. That’s a devastating loss of friends to assassinations.
   I, like most alumni, am deeply proud of Gregory’s past accomplishments.
  Today, however, I am ashamed of him due to his total disregard for young people who trust and respect him as an educator. And I am sickened by his totally unfounded assertions about his contemporaries in the rights struggle and about recent historical events.
  He has broken his engagement to the truth. To paraphrase Howard Beale, Dick Gregory is as mad as hell and I’m not going to take this anymore.

  Let me explain.
  A few months ago a radio talk show host in New York sought my opinions about Gregory’s claims regarding the assassination of Malcolm X. I confessed that I had long ago stopped listening to anything that Dick Gregory says after reading his questionable take on the Atlanta Child Murders.
   He requested that I check out Gregory’s allegations to see whether the comedian had really uncovered something new, especially as regards the CIA. To wit, Gregory claims to have declassified documents showing that the CIA rented the Audubon Ballroom two weeks before the spy agency, he contends, assassinated Malcolm X on February 21, 1965.
   Gregory has obtained the autopsy report, he says, and trajectories of the bullets suggest that the assassins fired from the balcony.


   I have the autopsy of Malcolm X. Someone threw a smoke bomb in the back of the ballroom and someone ran up to the front and shot Malcolm. The autopsy says that all the bullets in Malcolm were shot from above; they go down.


 These specious allegations, it turns out, were first made in his book, Callous on My Soul.
 He postulates further that the three gunmen firing at Malcolm X before a crowd of nearly 300 people were shooting blanks but weren’t aware of it. A team of white CIA agents was in the balcony filming the entire event and simultaneously shooting the black revolutionary at the exact same spots where the Black Muslims were aiming.

  That’s comical, since the shotgun was wrapped up in a coat that someone left near the stage, and one of the assassins dropped his handgun during his escape. Forensics experts established a nexus between the weapons and the shotgun shells found on the floor and bullet fragments removed from Malcolm X.
   I had heard the claim about someone filming the speech from the balcony, but documentary footage shows the presence of cameramen from local TV affiliates. One of only two African American reporters inside the ballroom was interviewed moments after the assassination:

 Some of the footage was used to make still frames that were later shown at the trial of the alleged assassins in March 1966, eleven months after the assassination.
  I searched the internet for more information about the autopsy report, but found nothing other than the documents published by The Smoking Gun website in 1998, which I viewed when they first were released.
  There is one color photograph of Malcolm X’s body (from the head to his chest) in the morgue that shows three buckshot holes near his heart.

 There are not, however, any autopsy illustrations showing bullet trajectories. Nor is there a CIA memo or other declassified documents about the agency renting the ballroom.
  The whole idea is preposterous. One can see it now:

    Audubon Ballroom receptionist: Hello?
    CIA: Hi, this is the CIA. We’re going to kill Malcolm X there in a couple of weeks, so we need to rent the ballroom to figure out the logistics. We’re going to tear out a wall or two on the second floor and hide behind them.
    Receptionist: Sure, no problem. Are you paying by check, money order, or cash?
   CIA: We’re paying by check and we will need a receipt that can be used later to implicate us.

   Where is the proof that the CIA rented the Audubon Ballroom? He doesn’t have any. It never happened. The Nation of Islam rented the Audubon Ballroom six weeks before the assassination. The proof? A huge ad that ran in Muhammad Speaks newspaper on January 12, 1965.
   There’s more to Gregory’s story. He claims that he and Malcolm X were such close friends that Malcolm X called him on February 20 seeking counsel. Gregory warned him to forego going to the Audubon the next day. If he did, would be killed. Malcolm X ignored his prescient advice, Gregory claims, and lost his life.
   Does Gregory have a declassified document to corroborate this, too? Did he jot down notes about the call in his daybook or write about it in his diary? Is there any corroboration at all?
   The declassified FBI files on Malcolm X include some transcripts of telephone calls. Among the names mentioned are Alex Haley, Betty Shabazz, and Martin Luther King’s attorney Clarence Jones. The Bureau has conveniently withheld the phone logs for the last day or so before the activist was murdered. However, there is no mention of any calls between Dick Gregory and Malcolm X in any of the logs from late 1964 through 1965.

   The one that really gets up my ire, though, is Gregory’s contention that The Autobiography of Malcolm X is “garbage,” and that it wasn’t even written by Malcolm X and Alex Haley, but rather “by an old white man” who edited the manuscript.
   Gregory’s evidence? Nothing but his intuition. He just “knows” these things. He brags about being “tuned in to universal consciousness.”
  He seems wholly ignorant of the fact that the original manuscript is still available for viewing. He doesn’t seem to know about Betty Shabazz’s recollections of her husband going through the manuscript with a fine tooth comb, making extensive corrections and additions.
   To suggest that Malcolm X, one of the most gifted orators of the 20th century, and Alex Haley, one of the most engaging writers of same, needed a white man to write the book is not only insulting to their intellect and legacy; it reeks of jealousy and of self-hatred. Here is a single page example of the editing by Haley and Malcolm X.    

   If Gregory wants to talk about someone having books with his own photo on the cover over someone else’s byline, he need look no further than his own bookshelf.

   Gregory has been a lifelong proponent of the racial epithet slung at African Americans since slavery. In fact, he was two biographies bearing the word: Nigger, a national bestseller first published in 1963, and Up From Nigger, a follow-up published in 1976 that was wordplay on the Frederick Douglass memoir, Up From Slavery.
   He is among a group of African Americans who believe that they can neutralize the venomous bite of “nigger” by using the word at every opportunity.
   In an interview with Manning Marable, Gregory said that he titled his book Nigger because he wanted to “defang” the word.  (around the 4 minute mark)

  Rappers can use it along with “bitch” and “ho’s” and eventually those words will lose their sting, too, by that logic.
 The one caveat by its proponents (sports writer Michael Wilbon and Oscar winner John Ridley are among them) is that Caucasians can’t use the word unless, presumably, they are card-carrying "blue-eyed soul brothers and sisters."
  Quentin Tarantino can use it as much as he wants, Gregory thinks. Ted Nugent can’t. Why? Because it’s a black racist thing; you wouldn’t understand.
  Speaking of Tarantino, who used the epithet over 110 times in a 165-minute movie, Gregory says that “Django Unchained” is the best move he ever saw. “I watched it 12 times,” he claims.
   When asked about “12 Years A Slave,” he replied that he could barely sit through it and kept praying for it to end. He “couldn’t wait to get out of there,” he said.
   The major difference between the two? Gregory described “Django” as a cathartic, liberating experience. He had never seen black men as strong cowboys before, he says, so that was new. Apparently, he slept through the blaxploitation period when Harry Belafonte, Sidney Poitier, Jim Brown, and others played positive roles in Westerns.
   The major reason he liked “Django,” he says,  is because it was a genuine love story about a black man and a black woman.
  “Never in the history of Hollywood have they made a movie that freed the inside of me,” Gregory says.
 “You’ve never seen a love story about a black man and a black woman where it wasn’t some old foul sex and foul language.”

   He laughs as an afterthought, clearly realizing that his justification for loving the movie is complete caca. On the other hand, he doesn’t consider the word “nigger” as foul.
  As a teenager, I enjoyed his first book even though I detested its title. I read the book at a time (circa 1968) when African Americans were fighting to be called “black,” instead of Negro, so Gregory’s book was seen by many as counterproductive and reactionary. So many Caucasians bought it that they made Gregory a multimillionaire.
  Another book, Code Name Zorro: The Murder of Martin Luther King Jr., is one of the most authoritative books on the subject, thanks to Mark Lane. Lane is also the author of Rush to Judgment (1966) one of the earliest and best books about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

   I assumed initially that Gregory’s prevarications were a new phenomenon. But in only two days of research, I discovered that he has been engaging in this irresponsible proclivity for the past forty years. Consider these examples:

1. The Kennedy Assassination

  In March 1975, Gregory appeared on Gerald Rivera’s popular talk show, “Good Night, America.” He claimed that eyewitnesses gave one version of what happened minutes after the assassination and gave wildly different accounts four hours later. The reason: the Secret Service had gotten to them and made them change their accounts. He told Rivera that he had videotapes and audiotapes proving this. He didn’t have them that evening, and he has never shown them to anyone.
   On the same program, Gregory said that Lee Harvey Oswald got a job at the Texas School Book Depository one week before the assassination. Based on this, Gregory says that Oswald had to know in advance that the parade route would be changed at the last minute.

Again, this is untrue. The parade route was published in the two major newspapers in Dallas on November 19th, three days before the assassination. By then, Oswald had been working at the depository for over a month, having been hired on October 16 with help from a neighbor. The job opening was posted on October 14, according to the Warren Commission report.

2. The Atlanta Child Murders

  In 1982, Dick Gregory accused the Centers for Disease Control of killing black male children in Atlanta in order to castrate them and use the "tips of their penises" [glans] to produce an especially powerful type of interferon.

    Gregory made the allegation after visiting Atlanta, at which time he visited alleged killer Wayne B. Williams in jail and interviewed him in the presence of several others. Gregory has never divulged what was said, which might have helped clear up some of the questions that remain unanswered.
  Instead, he began promoting his bizarre theory about the CDC.
  He came to this conclusion after touring an alleged site where ritual sacrifices of animals had been conducted.  Sondra O’Neal, an Emory University professor, believed that the murders were linked to occult activity. Her thesis is summarized here:

  O’Neal and authors James Baldwin and Toni Cade Bambara launched their own investigations. O'Neal's book was never published. Baldwin wrote Evidence of Things Not Seen, a short nonfiction book about his findings, and Bambara, who lived with her young daughter in fear in Atlanta at the time, wrote Those Bones Are Not My Child, a novel about the murders.

  Gregory attempted to get Baldwin’s endorsement for the CDC theory, but the writer concluded correctly that it was too far-fetched.

You can read the FBI’s declassified file on the murders here:

  You may also obtain the limited report from the Georgia Bureau of Investigation under the state’s FOIA.

   The report confirms that an offshoot of the Ku Klux Klan killed nearly all of the children. Gregory seems ignorant of the file, so here is a primer.
  In late 1980, the Atlanta Police Department received a tip from a highly reliable informant that a group of Caucasian brothers with connections to J.B. Stoner, head of the National States Rights Party (NSRP), were killing black children.
   Stoner was indicted in 1977 for his role in the 1958 bombing of Bethel Baptist Church in Birmingham. He was living in Georgia at the time of the indictment and claimed that he was also in Georgia at the time of the church bombing. The bombing took the lives of four children.
   The kidnapping and murder of Atlanta's children began while Stoner was on trial. The informant said that three blood brothers were to blame. He identified them as Charles T. Sanders, Don W. Sanders, and Jerry Lee Sanders. All three were known drug dealers and avowed racists who had more than sixty arrests. Their father, Carlton Sanders, also had an extensive criminal history, including child molestation.


  Don Sanders was national secretary of the NSRP. He served as one of Stoner’s bodyguards, during which he often dressed in camouflage uniforms.

  The informant, the GBI discovered, was correct. The results of the GBI probe were furnished to the FBI. In April 1981, FBI Director William Webster said during a press interview that the Bureau was about to arrest a man for nearly a dozen of the murders.

   While Webster did not name him, the GBI report and appeals filed by attorneys for Wayne Williams identified him as Charles Sanders. Sanders worked as an exterminator.
   Days before the official announcement, Webster was persuaded by John Douglas, an FBI agent working on the case, that the killers had to be black. Douglas was adamant that no white man could have traveled in black neighborhoods without being noticed. Even though his assumptions were absurd and later proven wrong, the agent’s argument was accepted by Webster and Sanders was not arrested.
   In his book, Mindhunter, Douglas brags about how he helped prevent the FBI from making a major “mistake” by arresting Sanders.

   Ironically, the “poor guy” who stole Douglas’ heart was arrested a few weeks after Webster’s interview for trying to abduct a black child
   So the police had the main killer. The crime lab removed his semen on a magazine found near two of the children’s skeletal remains. Douglas, whose primary concern was in legitimizing his theory of “profiling,” ignored overwhelming evidence implicating one of the killers just because the suspect was Caucasian. His methodology did more to prove the fallibility of profiling than anything else. Law enforcement officials in Europe, Canada and here have documented numerous flaws in profiling. Some criminal cases in Canada involving Douglas’ profiling assistance to police have been reversed.
    Author Malcolm Gladwell has illustrated why Douglas is full of bunk. Profiling is little more than old fashioned gumshoeing with psychic impressions added into the mix.

    Wayne Williams was arrested in May 1981 while the Sanders brothers kept on killing. They were never arrested for a single murder despite overwhelming evidence of their guilt.
    “I thought everybody knew we killed Geter [a victim],” Jerry Sanders tells an informant during the GBI investigation.
   “Goddamn, right, I killed him [Geter],” Charles Sanders says to the same informant on another secret recording. “We killed a lot of those little niggers.” He told the informant that the NSRP was hoping to trigger a race war, and if one didn’t happen soon, they would stop killing kids and start killing black women to heighten the hysteria.
   The mainstream media contributed to the atmosphere which led to the conviction of Wayne Williams, but the only journalistic review in recent decades has been a one-sided report by former CNN correspondent Soledad O'Brien. No one, by the way, was ever indicted or convicted for killing any of the children. Williams was convicted of killing two adults. Police then quickly closed the cases and blamed them all on Williams without any evidence linking him to a single case.

He was convicted on hearsay and fiber evidence from an FBI lab. Recent investigations have shown that FBI labs fabricated evidence in scores of cases during that period.

The majority of the slain children's parents, by the way, believe that Wayne Williams did not kill them.

3.  The Black Panther Party

  Eldridge Cleaver and Huey P. Newton were FBI agents who used the Black Panther Party as a front for their drug dealing, Gregory says. The Black Panthers never killed a cop.

  The host tries to point out to Gregory that he is mistaken, but it’s useless. Once again, Gregory offers no corroboration. It’s all intuition.

4. Subliminal Meanings of Old Movies

(a)   “King Kong” is actually a movie about boxer Jack Johnson and his preoccupation with white women, according to Gregory.

   Jack Johnson was born in Utah and raised among the Mormons, Gregory argues. He frequently dated white women and traveled across state lines in their company.  The movie maker chose to have King Kong in New York because that’s the location of Madison Square Garden, the “boxing capital” of the world.
  Huh?  Johnson was not a Mormon, by the way, nor was he born in Utah.


 “The Wizard of Oz,” is an allegory about the Federal Reserve System, according to Gregory.
    The evidence? None.

5.  The Body Snatchers

  Gregory proffers that Kendrick Johnson, a black high school student, was killed solely for his organs. For some reason, the killer carelessly left his body in the school gymnasium. He also believes that authorities kidnapped 10,000 people from Los Angeles and took them to Gooseneck, Oregon. They were killed for their organs.

   Trayvon Martin was killed for the same reason.
  Gregory portrays Martin as a drug abuser, citing his use of marijuana and the fact that Martin bought skittles and an Arizona brand drink right before he was murdered. Gregory, by the way, does not believe that George Zimmerman killed Martin.

 According to Gregory, kids mix the Skittles with tea and cough syrup to achieve a “high” comparable to crack cocaine.
    Maybe. Some cough syrups alone will have you nodding like a junkie. But Martin had not consumed either the fruit drink (not tea, as Gregory states) nor the Skittles at the time of his death. He was not intoxicated. So what bearing does his buying the products have on his murder, and what evidence does Gregory have that someone other than Zimmerman killed Martin?
   His psychic powers, what else.
 Gregory defames Martin’s parents, implying that they committed insurance fraud. According to Gregory, the Martins applied for a life insurance policy for Trayvon on March 30, over a month after his death.
That’s a boldface lie.

From the press:
"The [neighborhood] association's insurer, Travelers Casualty and Surety Co. of America, filed suit in federal court in August, asking a judge to clarify its liability in the case, but that suit was dropped in November.
"Travelers is not a party to the settlement," the company said in a prepared statement. "The settlement would have been with other insurers of the homeowners association and/or the property managers."
The policy had a $1 million limit, according to federal-court records, and went into effect March 30, 2012, a few weeks after Trayvon was shot. Trayvon's mother filed a claim with the insurer after it went into effect, according to federal-court records.

  For those like Gregory who can not understand what the story states: The policy that the community association obtained from Travelers went into effect a month after Trayvon Martin's death, so the company attempted to deny liability. It has nothing to do with the parents.

6.  The 911 Tragedy

    Gregory once earned millions every year by speaking on college campuses. His ideas were fresh and his enthusiasm was contagious. Today, it seems that the only reason he gets invited to speak to whites is for the perverse joy of hearing his arcane conspiracy theories.
  When people in the audience snicker, he gets hostile and starts cursing. He spoke in Washington in September 2013 before a tiny crowd of people who doubt the official version of what happened on September 11, 2001. Gregory’s theories of events new and old were so bizarre that the audience seemed eager to hear anything he said just for a laugh. Someone apparently snickered at him instead of with him, at which point Gregory loses it and snares “You think you’re so f—king smart!”

  The list goes on.
* Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown died from a bullet wound to the head before his plane crashed. The killer presumably died during the crash, too.
* The Jonestown Massacre was an elaborate CIA mind-control experiment.
Yada, yada, yada.

   Opera singer Grace Bumbry left Sumner High School and never looked back. She moved to Europe decades ago and rarely returns to the US. Her most recent trip was in 2009 to receive a Kennedy Center Honors medal from President Obama.
  When she appeared on the Dick Cavett Show in 1985, she pretended to not speak English very well. Cavett asked her what are her favorite sports, and her reply went something like this.

  “I like  . . . how do you sayyy . . . be-ace-see-ball.”

   Baseball was America's favorite pastime when Bumbry was young, and the St. Louis Cardinals were all the rage. If you lived your first 20 years in St. Louis, you do not forget how to say “baseball.”
   Bumbry gives Sumner a bad name for being ashamed of her past and pretending not to be fluent in English. She is now joined by Gregory, who is too arrogant to do legitimate research and instead relies upon his intuition for the news.
  If he is not well, his family and friends should encourage him to keep quiet until he obtains professional help. If he is well, he needs to shut up before he obliterates the good he has done in the past by declaring everything a government conspiracy.
  He should, in short, live by the title of his book, No More Lies.

  I am asking everyone to boycott Dick Gregory for his mistreatment of the already suffering parents of Trayvon Martin.
  Do not patronize his public appearances, and do not extend any requests for him to address your club or organization. Do not purchase his books, multimedia products, or anything that will put one nickel into his pocket until he publicly apologizes for falsely accusing them of insurance fraud.   


Thursday, March 6, 2014


“Whenever a man commits a crime, God finds a witness. Every secret crime has its reporter." – Ralph Waldo Emerson


Most people don’t know this yet, and some never will, but April 22, 2010 was a watershed moment in American history.
  That day, blogger Abdur Rahman Muhammad revealed that William Bradley, the long sought-after shotgun assassin of Malcolm X, could be seen in documentary footage filmed outside of the Audubon Ballroom moments after the black revolutionary died on February 21, 1965.

The video has since been removed.

Its removal was odd, given that it has been online practically since the birth of Youtube, and at other online sites before that. All of sudden it is linked to the assassination of a major American political figure and someone cries “copyright infringement.”
   It was not; the less-than-two-minute video clip qualifies under the “fair use” exception to the U.S. Copyright Act.

In fact, you can still find the footage here, though it is of lesser quality.

  I had reviewed this and other documentary footage any number of times over the past 30 years, but it never dawned on me that it was of such immense value in identifying the actual assassins of Malcolm X. Once Muhammad made the connection, I captured in excess of 300 frames to study them.
 When I sent a copy to New York artist and Malcolm X researcher Omar Shabazz, he and I agreed that what it revealed was as important as the footage captured in Dallas by Abraham Zapruder on November 22, 1963.
    We began calling it the “Black Zapruder” film.
 The Zapruder film shows the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, but doesn’t show the assassins. The Black Zapruder film doesn’t show the assassination of Malcolm X, but it shows the assassins.
  The Zapruder film has been analyzed for more than half a century by scholars, forensics experts, and congressional panels. No one until now has ever published or discussed what’s shown in the footage from the Audubon on February 21, 1965.
  The Zapruder film is in color; the Black Zapruder film is in black and white.
  The result of our collaboration is a 47-minute documentary, released on February 21 in commemoration of the assassination, titled “The Black Zapruder Film: They Killed Malcolm X.”
  This film will dispel once and for all the lie that Norman Butler was framed by law enforcement. Any forensic anthropologist will easily confirm that the footage shows Norman Butler and William Bradley at the scene of their heinous crime.
  We may never know the names of the assassins who shot John F. Kennedy or Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. or Robert F. Kennedy. But as of this day, we know for certain, beyond a reasonable doubt and indeed, beyond any doubt, who shot Malcolm X.

Black Zapruder Panels

   More than 150 frames appear below in three color-coded sections. The first section, Blue, shows the fight between angry Malcolm X supporters – the ones who actually captured Thomas Hagan after the assassination – and police who arrived moments afterwards. More specifically, they show an incredibly brazen attempt by William Bradley, a Newark Nation of Islam member and the shotgun assassin, to free Hagan from the grips of both the police and Malcolm X supporters.
   The second section, Red, comes from a badly damaged roll. It’s vital, however, because it helps explain why NYPD Sergeant Alvin Aronoff is yelling as he looks in the direction of the second video camera. The second camera filmed Bradley as he walked directly in front of it.
   The third and final section, Brown, are frames from a roll of film in which Norman 3X Butler, a lieutenant from the Nation of Islam’s Mosque Number 7 in Harlem, is seen craning his neck to witness his “kill” as Malcolm X’s body is wheeled from the Audubon Ballroom to Columbia Presbyterian Hospital across the street. Butler has denied involvement for 49 years, 20 of them spent behind bars upon his 1966 conviction as a conspirator in the assassination.
   This footage proves beyond any doubt that Butler has been lying for 49 years, and that Hagan has been lying as well.



1-2. A Malcolm X supporter (red circle) spots the wounded assassin Thomas Hagan on the ground surrounded by policemen at the entrance to the Audubon Ballroom moments after the assassination and tries to attack him.

3. Hagan’s head (green circle) is visible in a sea of policemen.

 4-6. William Bradley, the man whose shotgun ended Malcolm X’s life, runs toward policemen holding Thomas Hagan. He has a newspaper in his left coat pocket (yellow circle). Incredibly, he intends to extricate him.


7. Police hold Hagan by his arms and waist while Malcolm X supporters grab him by his legs.

8 – 10. As police attempt to take Hagan to an ambulance for transport to Columbia Presbyterian hospital across the street, Bradley grabs an officer by his overcoat and attempts to push him away from Hagan.

11-12. Bradley finally makes contact with Hagan.


13 - 14. With Bradley’s assistance, Hagan manages to break through the barrier of policemen, but they quickly close the gap.

15.  As Bradley continues to fight policemen in order to free his coconspirator, an OAAU member grabs a wooden folding chair (brown box) and heads toward Hagan.

16 - 18.  Bradley (yellow shapes), who is 6-feet tall and weighs more than 200 pounds, yanks a police office by the shoulder of his coat, pulling him downward. Two OAAU members, one armed with a folding chair, move in closer to Hagan.


19-21: Blue lines illustrate how Bradley’s forceful grip on the police officer opens a gap nearly wide enough for Hagan to potentially escape.

22-24. Sergeant Alvin Aronoff finally realizes that Bradley is attacking police officers and moves in to stop him.


25. Bradley grabs Hagan by his arm (green lines) as Aronoff moves toward him.

25-27. Chaos ensues as Bradley, police and Malcolm X supporters fight over control of Thomas Hagan. Aronoff grabs Bradley by his shoulders.

28 – 29.  The film suffered damage at this point and frames were removed.

30: Bradley finally gets into the thick of the struggle. Angry Malcolm X supporters cling to Hagan’s legs while Bradley pulls him by his arms.


31-35. These frames offer the clearest view of Bradley’s profile. They provide the clearest evidence that he was at the Audubon Ballroom on February 21, 1965.

  Bradley has remained silent about allegations around his involvement, but his wife has denied that he was an assassin. These images corroborate eyewitness descriptions of the shotgun assassin.

33 – 36.  Sgt. Aronoff and other officers struggle to subdue Bradley. Malcolm X supporters keep a tight grip on Hagan’s legs. Hagan grabs a police officer by the back of his legs in an attempt to either make the officer fall or to prevent himself from falling.


37-40. Sgt. Aronoff falls backward as Bradley uses brute force against him.

41-42: Bradley stares into the camera, realizing for the first time that his actions are being recorded. The OAAU member with the folding chair moves in to strike Hagan should the opportunity present itself.


44 – 48. Bradley notices that a Malcolm X loyalist (in purple box) has given chase. The man is only inches away from Bradley when Bradley shoves Aronoff.


49-54. Bradley knocks Aronoff out of the way and makes his escape. He is carrying a piece of Hagan’s clothing (brown circle). A police officer restrains the only person attempting to subdue Bradley.  Even though Bradley assaults several officers, including Aronoff, the officers make no attempt to subdue him.


55. The last full frame on Film Roll One showing Bradley.

56-60. The officer continues to restrain the Malcolm X supporter as Bradley walks away from the scene, realizing that he has no chance to free Hagan.

59 – 60. Hagan maintains his grip on the police officer’s legs.


61. Aronoff fires one shot into the air while staring in Bradley’s direction and standing directly over Hagan.

63 – 66. Aronoff yells at Bradley as Bradley hovers in the background.

66.  Aronoff continues to yell at Bradley, who finally gives up and starts to walk away from the scene.


67. Startled by the warning shot, Malcolm X supporters release their grip on Hagan.

68 – 71. Aronoff appears incensed by the way Bradley assaulted him. A fellow officer grabs him by his left arm and tries to calm him.

72. Aronoff regains his composure as Bradley walks off. 


73 - 77. Aronoff cools off and returns to assisting fellow officers surrounding Hagan, who is lying at curbside. Hagan complains of being unable to walk.

78. Aronoff puts away his gun away and turns his attention back to Hagan.


79-84. Hagan grabs his thigh as police try to get him to stand up.
Detectives and policemen hold back Malcolm X supporters, most of whom are keeping an eagle eye on Hagan.


85-90. Police lift up Hagan and take him to the ambulance. The crowd watches from the entrance to the ballroom.



A. The footage from the second camera is even more damaged than the first. However, you can still see the newspaper in Bradley’s coat pocket (red circle) and you can see his beard (brown box). Numerous eyewitnesses described the shotgun assassin as a tall, bearded, dark-skinned man wearing a dark grey or black overcoat.

C – F.  Hagan reaches out for Bradley to grab his left hand. Bradley muscles his way through the crowd to get to him.


G. By combining frames from Camera 1 and Camera 2, one gets a clearer understanding of Aronoff’s actions. Aronoff looks at Bradley, who pulls off Hagan’s jacket or other article of clothing during the struggle to free him. Bradley tucks the clothing under his overcoat.

J. Aronoff seems to be staring directly at the camera.

L. In fact, Aronoff is watching Bradley as he walks directly in front of the camera. The buttons on Bradley coat (brown box) and the newspaper in his pocket are highlighted for the viewer due to the poor quality of the frames. Bradley walks away.



1- 2. Norman Butler suddenly appears (his fingers are circled) as Malcolm X’s body (red circle) is wheeled across the street to Columbia Presbyterian Hospital. You can observe a dark jacket or shirt underneath his coat (brown box). Eyewitnesses described the second shooter as a dark-skinned man wearing a dark brown jacket underneath a tweed coat.

3. Note the dark clothing underneath the tweed coat.

4 – 6. Butler stands out like a zebra due to his tweed coat and black fedora, which he wears at a 45-degree angle.


7 – 9. OAAU member Richard Young (yellow circle) guides a stretcher carrying Malcolm X’s body to Columbia Presbyterian Hospital, across the street from the Audubon Ballroom. Butler moves in to get a closer look.

10 – l2. Butler (brown box), who is obscured by a photographer standing over him, leans in for one final view of his victim.


13-15. Notice that Butler wears the same type of coat as the man in the footage. Also note that Butler wears his hat at the same 45-degree angle as the man in the footage.

16-17. Norman Butler at the police station. Numerous eyewitnesses, including Sharon Poole Shabazz, positively identify Butler as the second assassin with a handgun. Shabazz and Butler were both once members of Muhammad’s Temple of Islam in Harlem (also known as Temple Number Seven), which gives her even more credibility.
  Norman Butler is booked on February 26, 1965 for the murder of Malcolm X. He is found guilty 13 months later.

CONCLUSION: Thomas Hagan and William Bradley crossed from New Jersey to New York and killed  Malcolm X on February 21, making the assassination a federal crime. There is no statute of limitations for homicide on either the state or federal level, making Bradley eligible for indictment.
The Department of Justice, headed by Eric Holder, an African American, claims that there is no federal law under which any of the assassins can be tried. Clearly, that is a lie. If a black attorney general serving under a black president has no interest in pursuing justice, there is really no advantage to having them in office.